The Predicament of ‘Secular’ Hindus amid Surging Islamophobia
NOTE: THE HINDUS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS BLOG IS A SPACE FOR A HEALTHY EXPLORATION OF IDEAS PERTINENT TO OUR MISSION. THE VIEWS AND OPINIONS EXPRESSED IN THIS BLOG ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND DO NOT NECESSARILY REFLECT THE OFFICIAL POLICY OR POSITION OF HINDUS FRO HUMAN RIGHTS.
THEY CAN’T STOP THIS VIRUS UNTIL MORE PRACTICING HINDUS REJECT THE TOXIC IDEOLOGY OF RSS AND BJP
It is uncommon these days to hear a kind word about India’s Muslims among our families and friends. Conversations often hover around the theme that Muslims themselves are largely to blame for the worsening communal divide. If they do not bring up the role of the Tablighi Jamaat in COVID-19 transmissions, they may point to wide-spread protests by Muslims against the citizenship initiatives or to the Godhra train carnage in 2002 or to even hark back to the horrors of partition.
Those of us who attempt to point out that India’s secular Constitution is in serious jeopardy under the current regime are either met with scepticism or reminded of the urgent need for a Uniform Civil Code.
Sometimes, doubts are aired about the “loyalty” of Muslims. Almost always, someone will declare that Hindus are the most tolerant people on earth. How could they possibly be guilty of religious bigotry?
But seldom is there an acknowledgement of the central role of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh -- the parent of the Bharatiya Janata Party -- in promoting Islamophobia ever since its inception in 1925. Gone are the days when Hindus used to decry the indoctrination conducted by RSS shakhas or branches, which have long been drilling into young minds the claim that Muslims are an existential threat to Hindu society. Not surprisingly, many of today’s BJP leaders are alumni of the RSS or affiliated groups.
To fully comprehend the source of their hostility towards Muslims we must go back to the very foundation of the RSS.
RSS: The Fountainhead of Islamophobia
It was Vinayak Savarkar, the founder of the Hindu Mahasabha, the precursor to the RSS, who in 1923 exhorted Hindus to “consolidate” in pursuit of a Hindu Rashtra. But it was K.B. Hedgewar, the first sarsanghchalak of the RSS, who took to heart the notion that hate unites stronger than love.
Hedgewar’s persistence in portraying Muslims as a common threat to all Hindus are documented in detail in his 1981 biography, edited by H.V. Sheshadri of the RSS, which is replete with pejorative stereotypes and conspiracy theories about Muslims (for example, that members of the community have a “native intolerance and lack of moral refinement” and they “… recklessly loot the properties of Hindus … and cut off the ears and noses of hapless women.”)
Hedgewar paid little thought to addressing the weaknesses of Hinduism, such as the caste system, as the means of uniting Hindus. Instead, he chided Hindu society for its “pitiable state” and blamed this on a history of tolerance for diverse peoples and ideas.
Hedgewar’s biography also eulogised his fervour to “rouse the dormant manliness of the Hindus” by provoking bands to play louder in front of mosques, assaulting a speaker whom he did not like; and beating up bystanders to “send a message” to their community. To the RSS, these were patriotic acts of its founder worthy of sharing with young pracharaks.
The fact that such canny story-telling to children and youth have laid the ground for mob lynchings and anti-Muslim pogroms is a sad testimony to the success of the “character building” exercises the RSS claims to be conducting at its shakhas.
Golwalkar: Defining Hindu Rashtra
If Savarkar and Hedgewar were circumspect on how they would achieve their Hindu Rashtra, M.S. Golwalkar, the second and the longest-serving sarsanghchalak of the RSS who was at the head of the organisation from 1940 to 1973, had a clearer vision:
He relentlessly pushed the envelope of hatred for the minorities, and posited that they had no choice but to accept their second-class citizenship in a Hindu state. Were he alive today, he would have surely admired Gujarat under BJP rule for serving as a laboratory for his dream.
Golwalkar had earlier expressed his admiration for Germany's "national pride," and the “purging” of Jews as “a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and profit by”. His claim that the RSS does not preach hate, even as he continued to whip up anti-minority feelings throughout his long tenure has become the hall-mark of RSS double-speak.
BJP: Making Golwalkar’s Dream a Reality?
Fast forward, rising Islamophobia around the world, post 9/11 and Islamic State terror, certainly played into the RSS narrative and may have helped propel BJP to absolute power in Delhi in 2014. But unfortunately, its first term ended with a stalled economy and the highest joblessness in many years, threatening its prospects for re-election.
To no one’s surprise, instead of focussing on the economy and real social issues such as atrocities against Dalits and women, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Amit Shah pivoted back to what comes naturally to RSS alumni: whipping up communal hate. After winning a larger mandate for a second term, they now seem eager to seize the moment to accelerate the timeline for a majoritarian Hindu state as envisioned by their ‘Guruji’ Golwalkar.
Meantime, under their watch, street violence and strong-arm tactics to shut down dissent are in full swing: Muslims brutally attacked by the police in their religious places, universities and homes. Charges filed against victims of violence while perpetrators roam free. Scores of activists branded as traitors and arrested for opposing unjust laws, such as the Citizenship Amendment Act. And Journalists and others facing sedition charges for reports critical of the ruling class.
If the BJP comes out of the Covid-19 crisis unscathed, we should not be surprised if Modi and Shah directly aim at India’s Constitution, attempting to obliterate the last line of defence for India’s besieged minorities.
Amidst all of this, the once-vibrant Indian media has largely capitulated to the government. The once independent Supreme Court appears to have been rendered toothless. And, barring rare exceptions, Hindu spiritual leaders are nowhere to be seen to uphold their oft-proclaimed Upanishadic thought, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (“The World is One Family”) at a time when India needs it most.
Our Second Struggle for Independence?
Ominously, despite all the obvious signs of a democracy in serious peril, the Hindu middle class remains largely indifferent to the danger.
Such is the power of majoritarianism, that it has become difficult to convince even our own families and friends that the BJP and RSS are rapidly leading India into a communal abyss. Sadly, even those who do acknowledge the importance of our human rights work are concerned for our safety, but will not necessarily take a public stand.
Unless more and more practicing Hindus socially distance themselves from the toxic ideology of the RSS and BJP, saving India from Hindutva extremism may well turn out to be our second struggle for independence. This time, however, the struggle is against the colonisation of minds. This is destined to be much more arduous and destructive than our fight against British Imperialism.